Actual and projected new social housing commencements, Australia, 2007 - 2023-24
The projected annual rate of social housing construction 2021-22 – 2023-24 represents almost a threefold increase over the pre-pandemic benchmark rate (7,750 versus 2,610).
Projected social housing commencements 2021-22 – 2023-24, and projected net change in social housing provision
Despite the significant increase in overall social housing construction anticipated over the next three years, the resulting net change in provision will be inadequate to prevent a further reduction in the sector’s share of all housing, Australia-wide. According to our projections this will decline from 4.22% to 4.14% of estimated total dwelling stock over the period.
Quarterly asking median rent per week, houses
This graph shows that in every state capital except Hoabrt, the median asking rent for houses increased during the September quarter 2020 to at least the same level as before the pandemic; and in several cities increased to a greater level.
Change in median asking rents, quarter on quarter and year on year to June 2020
This graph compares hte decline in median advertised rents from both the first quarter of 2020 and the June quarter of 2019 for both houses and units in each of the state capitals, showing the immediate impact of the pandemic on unit rents in Sydney, Melbourne and Hobart. Only in Sydney and Melbourne did asking rents fall to lower than the median price for the same time the previous year. In contrast, the effect on median asking rents for houses was much smaller, barring Hobart. In Adelaide, Perth and Canberra, median asking rents remained higher than they had been during the June quarter of 2019.
Airbnb listings for entire houses, Melbourne, January to October 2020
This graph shows the data for listings from InsideAirbnb for Melbourne during the period January to October 2020. It shows that listings for entire homes contracted by 22% since COVID-19 restrictions were introduced, equating to 3,661 dwellings that were presumably available previously for long term lease or purchase. The decline is most pronounced in the inner rings of Melbourne. It suggests that, while many of these properties might have been sold, re-occupied by owners, or left unoccupied, there was likely a substantial increase in the supply of longer term private rental properties in inner-Melbourne.
Airbnb listings for entire houses, Sydney, January to October 2020
This graph shows the data for listings from InsideAirbnb for Sydney during the period January to October 2020. It shows that listings for entire homes contracted by 17% since COVID-19 restrictions were introduced, equating to 4,317 dwellings that were presumably available previously for long term lease or purchase. The decline is most pronounced in the inner rings of Sydney. It suggests that, while many of these properties might have been sold, re-occupied by owners, or left unoccupied, there was likely a substantial increase in teh supply of longer term private rental properties in inner-Sydney.
New private dwelling approvals, Greater Brisbane
This graph shows how apartments and units became the main source of new dwellings in the Greater Brisbane area over 2013-14 to 2015-16.
New private dwelling approvals, Greater Melbourne
This graph shows how apartments and units became the dominant source of new dwellings in Greater Melbourne over 2013-14 to 2015-16.
Rate of poverty by gender of household reference person (% of all people)
This graph shows the rate of poverty according to the gender of the household reference person by household type. It shows that the rate of poverty in sole parent families where the main earner is female is 37% using the 50% median income poverty line, and 50% using the 60% median income poverty line. This is over twice that of sole parent families where the main earner is male (at 18% using the 50% median income poverty line and 21% using the 60% median income poverty line). It also shows that couple-with-children households where the main earner is female have a rate of poverty far higher than those in which the main earner is male (16% female and 10% male according to the 50% median income poverty line; and 21% female and 16% male according to the 60% median income poverty line). The graph shows that the differences in poverty rates among households with male and female main earners are not as stark for households without children as for those with children.
Housing costs of lowest 20% compared with middle 20%, among people aged <65 and 65+ (in $2017-18 per week)
This graph shows trends in average weekly housing costs for people of different ages in the lowest and middle 20% of households by income (adjusted for family size). Note that these amounts are adjusted downwards for household size, so they are much lower than average housing costs – for example – for a family of four people. It shows that housing costs grew strongly from 2005-06 to 2017-18, especially among the lowest 20% of working-age households by income. From 2005-06 to 2017-18, average housing costs for the lowest 20% of working-age households (under 65 years) grew more than twice as fast as those of the middle 20% (by 42% compared 15%). Among the lowest 20% of working age households, average housing costs rose from $103pw to $146pw. Average housing costs for the middle 20% rose from $166pw to $191pw. Possible contributing factors for this disparity include higher rent increases for low-income households of working age and rapid growth in the share of renters among that group.…